EU officials were left scratching their heads on
March 11 when Belarusian President Alyaksandr Lukashenka unexpectedly
cancelled a key meeting with the bloc's external relations
commissioner, Benita Ferrero-Waldner, in favor of a snap trip to
Armenia.
Lukashenka's sudden decision clearly caught the EU
off-guard. Ferrero-Waldner learned of the cancellation just 24 hours
before she was due to leave for a long-scheduled, two-day trip to
Minsk. Citing "scheduling difficulties," a spokeswoman told RFE/RL the
trip has been rescheduled for mid-April.
EU
ambassadors were caught unawares as well. Meeting on March 11 to
prepare the agenda of next week's foreign ministers meeting in
Brussels, the ambassadors were surprised to learn only at the end of a
four-hour discussion that a scheduled discussion on Belarus had been
postponed.
That meeting, rescheduled for March 16, will now
take place only hours before EU foreign ministers gather to debate,
among other things, whether to extend a visa-ban freeze offered to
Minsk last October as a goodwill gesture. The freeze resumed travel
privileges to more than 40 Belarusian decision makers who had been
blocked from entering the EU.
Lukashenka's latest antics have
left Brussels embarrassed and at a loss as to where the bloc stands in
its efforts to pry Belarus loose from Russia's sphere of influence.
Partnership Offer
The
Belarusian leader's decision to stand up Ferrero-Waldner is all the
more puzzling as the EU is less than a week away from a summit at which
it is expected to invite a group of six ex-Soviet neighbors --
including Belarus -- to join its Eastern Partnership program.
The
Eastern Partnership plan is meant to offer funds, free trade, and
visa-free travel to Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine, and
Belarus.
The inclusion of Belarus in the partnership
initiative is considered critical in Brussels, where it is viewed as a
vital element in the bloc's drive to steer its neighbors away from
Russia and closer to the EU.
Until last year, however, Minsk
had spurned most advances from Brussels, including an offer to join its
European Neighborhood Policy (ENP), which was held out in exchange for
democratization.
The Russian-Georgian war last August prompted
the EU to upgrade the ENP offer and relax the attendant demands. Minsk,
apparently rattled by Russia's show of aggression in Georgia, finally
responded to the EU offer, and took a number of conciliatory steps --
releasing political prisoners and easing restrictions on some
opposition movements and media. In October, the EU lifted the visa ban.
Political dialogue was quickly resumed and EU foreign-policy
chief Javier Solana became the highest-ranking EU official in a decade
to visit Minsk, during a two-day trip in February. Many observers saw
the Solana visit as a coup for Lukashenka.
EU diplomats tell
RFE/RL that although reservations about Belarus now exist among some
member states, a British compromise proposal was gaining support this
week that would see the EU extend a current list of sanctions until
April 2010, leaving in place an asset freeze but suspending the visa
ban for another six months.
Small Steps
The
assumption in Brussels has so far been that Belarus is amenable to a
gradual normalization of relations. The occasional tendency of
Lukashenka and his foreign minister, Syarhey Martinau, to lecture the
EU on the need to recognize Belarus as an "equal" partner has been
largely written off in Brussels as empty posturing.
Increasingly
preoccupied with Russia's growing aggressiveness, Belarus's Eastern
European EU neighbors, led by Poland, believe that turning a blind eye
to some of the regime's eccentricities is a small price to pay for
keeping the country from falling under Moscow's sway. Opposition
leaders Alyaksandr Milinkevich and Alyaksandr Kazulin have expressed
similar views in meetings with EU officials.
After his trip to
Minsk, Solana reiterated the conviction that Lukashenka is prepared to
make concessions to the EU in order to gain a counterbalance to Russian
influence. In a briefing note to EU capitals, Solana said the
Belarusian leader was worried about growing pressure from Moscow and
was worried about his country's "survival." Solana also said Lukashenka
had expressed gratitude for the EU's support on securing an
International Monetary Fund loan and asked, in broad terms, "not to be
left out" of Europe.
Lukashenka refused to commit himself,
however, on a key EU request not to recognize the Georgian breakaway
territories Abkhazia and South Ossetia as independent countries. He
said the decision would be taken, in due "democratic" fashion, by the
Belarusian parliament in May.
The timing of the vote could prove
an embarrassment for the EU, as it is likely to follow on the heels of
the May 7 Prague summit in Prague, at which the Eastern Partnership is
due to be formalized.
The EU will need to decide weeks in
advance of the summit whether to invite Belarus, and Lukashenka
himself, to the gathering. (Some member states have indicated they will
accept the country's inclusion in the partnership, but have demanded
that a lower-level official stand in for the president at the summit,
fearing Lukashenka could "spoil the party.")
An added
complication is the reported warning from Georgia that it will boycott
the summit if Belarus chooses to recognize South Ossetia and Abkhazia
and is offered an invitation to Prague nonetheless.
Diplomats
in Brussels say that the need to include Belarus is being seen as
relatively uncontroversial by a majority of member states. All agree
that Minsk's isolation has not produced results. And without Belarus,
the Eastern Partnership would lose much of its regional clout.
Getting Cold Feet?
However,
there have been signs in recent weeks that Minsk may be having second
thoughts. The relative thaw visible in recent months has suddenly been
replaced by crackdowns. Five activists have been indicted on criminal
charges, opposition rallies were broken up by police on February 14-16,
young activists have been forcibly conscripted into the army, and there
has been increased interference in the activity of religious
organizations.
In what she evidently believed were previsit
remarks, Ferrero-Waldner offered measured criticism of Belarus in a
speech in London on March 9. She said reforms in Belarus were being
done in a "two steps forward, one step back" fashion, noting the recent
new political arrests.
Lukashenka's abrupt change of plans could
be an attempt at retaliation. The Belarusian leader's ire would have
been aggravated by the red-carpet treatment given by the European
Parliament in Strasbourg this week to a Belarusian opposition
delegation led by Kazulin.
Lukashenka also canceled a
scheduled March 10 meeting in Minsk with Joao Soares, the resident of
the OSCE's Parliamentary Assembly. Soares had also used his time in the
Belarusian capital to demand more democratization.
Any pressing
financial woes that may have pushed Lukashenka closer to an EU embrace
were also alleviated by Russia's release last week of the second $500
million tranche of a $2 billion loan deal.
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