Alyaksandr Kazulin has gone on hunger strike, the second since he was jailed in July 2006 for staging antigovernment rallies.Belarus's top political prisoner says he will
also stop taking fluids beginning on February 26 unless the authorities
allow him to attend the funeral of his wife, Iryna, who died on
February 23 after a long battle with breast cancer.
If his appeal is not heard, Kazulin said he wishes to starve himself
to death and be buried together with his wife. A person on "dry" hunger
strike usually lives no longer than a week.
Belarusian law permits prisoners to be temporarily released for
funerals of family members. But the warden of the prison in Vitsebsk
where Kazulin is being held said Kazulin is guilty of several conduct
violations and will not be permitted to leave without special
permission from Minsk.
Belarusian authorities have yet to answer the request filed by
Kazulin's daughters, Volha and Yulia, requesting that their father be
allowed to attend the funeral. But the family is hopeful nonetheless
that permission will be granted.
"A lot of people are calling from the regions and saying they are
ready to converge in the capital for a political protest," Kazulin's
former lawyer, Ihar Rynkevich, told RFE/RL's Belarus Service. "But we
are urging them not to do this because we are confident that
authorities will have the sense to respect the law and that Alyaksandr
Kazulin will be able to visit his family."
Kazulin is serving a 5 1/2-year sentence for organizing
antigovernment protests following the March 2006 presidential election,
in which he ran unsuccessfully against President Alyaksandr Lukashenka.
International Outcry
His first hunger strike, held shortly after his detention to protest Lukashenka's authoritarian rule, lasted 53 days.
Kazulin's supporters are keeping a particularly keen eye on his fate
since he is now Belarus's last political prisoner to remain in jail,
despite an international outcry and concerns over his health.
Over the past few weeks, authorities have unexpectedly released six
detainees regarded by Western states as prisoners of conscience --
businessmen Yury Lyavonau and Mikalay Autukhovich, opposition youth
activists Artur Finkevich and Zmitser Dashkevich, journalist Alyaksandr
Zdvizhkou, and opposition politician Andrey Klimau.
The most recent to walk free was Zdvizhkou, who was released on
February 22 after three months in prison. He had been sentenced to
three years' imprisonment in connection with his newspaper's
republication of controversial Danish cartoons of the Prophet Muhammad.
Zdvizhkou has said that his short stay in prison was enough to seriously damage his health.
"My health is not good," he says. "I had severe flu, almost without
medicine, which affected my hearing. I want to undergo tests and
restore what I can. I lost half my teeth."
Belarusian officials have yet to provide precise motives for the early releases.
Finkevich, a leader of the opposition Youth Front organization, who
was jailed for writing political graffiti, says his release likely fits
into Lukashenka's efforts to seek rapprochement with the West.
"Youth Front activists and people concerned about my fate protested
every day in my defense," he said. "Salidarnasc, the Committee of
Defense of the Repressed headed by Alyaksandr Milinkevich and Ina
Kulay, worked through diplomatic channels and lobbied for this
decision. It can also be interpreted as an attempt by Lukashenka to
make concessions to Europe."
Western Pressure
Brussels and Washington have consistently urged Belarus, described
by many as "Europe's last dictatorship," to free its political
prisoners and put an end to the repression of dissidents. Persistent
human rights violations have led Western countries to slap sanctions on
Belarusian officials and enterprises.
Lukashenka obviously expects to be rewarded for the releases, which
he has himself described as a "goodwill gesture." After the first
detainees walked free earlier this month, the Belarusian leader said it
was now "the turn of the European Union to show its good intentions."
Lukashenka's regime has taken other steps signaling a desire to make up with its foes in the West.
Lukashenka this month gave the European Commission the green light
to open a branch in Minsk, approval the commission had been waiting for
since 2005. Belarus also softened its public stance on NATO, with
Defense Minister Leanid Maltsev stating that the military alliance's
eastward expansion posed no threat to the country.
But EU officials, who are believed to have lobbied for the release
of individual prisoners, insist that any "good intentions" will come
only after Belarus frees all political prisoners, including Kazulin.
"Yes, this is a step in the right direction. But nevertheless it is
not sufficient," says Christina Gallach, the spokeswoman for the
European Union's foreign-policy chief, Javier Solana. "What matters now
is that all political prisoners are released. This is what will prompt
the European Union to progressively normalize relations."
Eugeniusz Smolar, a political analyst at the Warsaw-based Center for
International Relations, says Belarus will have to take more radical
reforms to win Western trust.
"We need to remind ourselves of the policies of the Soviet regime
before 1989," he says. "There were ups and downs, there was a time when
people were jailed and then a time when people were released without
major policy changes. However happy we are that people are no longer in
jail, we need to look not at individual cases but at whether consistent
policies are taking place toward liberalization, freedom of the media,
freedom of association."
The latest developments in Belarus have sparked speculation of a new chill in Lukashenka's once-warm ties with Moscow.
The outcome of talks this month between Lukashenka, Russian
President Vladimir Putin, and Putin's chosen candidate in the March 2
presidential election, Dmitry Medvedev, remains unclear.
But energy issues are very likely to have topped the agenda.
Medvedev, who chairs Russia's gas monopoly, Gazprom, has a record of
showdowns with Lukashenka that culminated with Gazprom briefly cutting
natural-gas deliveries to Belarus in January 2007.
Russia's ambassador to Belarus, Aleksandr Surikov, has pledged that
his country will raise natural-gas prices for Belarus by no more than
10 percent this year. But in a recent interview with Russian
television, Lukashenka claimed Gazprom is threatening to double gas
prices.
Minsk and Moscow are also embroiled in an ongoing quarrel over a
planned joint union state between the two countries, with Belarus
refusing to give up any of its sovereignty.
Both issues may be pushing Lukashenka to consider warmer ties with
the West. But severing ties with Moscow altogether is not an option,
according to Konstantin Zatulin, a pro-Kremlin State Duma deputy who
heads the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) Institute.
"There is no doubt that Belarus is seeking to build bridges with
Europe," says Zatulin. "But this is nothing more than an ordinary game
aimed at raising one's own stakes. In reality, Belarus cannot afford to
turn down Russian energy or any other forms of ties with Russia."
Kazulin's case will put Lukashenka's drive to mend fences with Europe and the United States to the test this week.
Kazulin's daughters have called on Belarusians to press for their
father's brief release on February 26 by rallying in Minsk on February
25 with candles and portraits of their mother. Should the Kazulin
family's appeal fall on deaf ears, the prior release of political
prisoners will have done little to offset Lukashenka's despotic
reputation abroad.
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