At this time we again experience an inspiring meeting
with history; with its witnesses and its consequences. With the pain, the
feelings and the sentiments; with present realities irrefutable and the
challenges to our common future.
It is not easy for me to write these words. Not only
as a representative of modern Germany, but also as a member of the
generation for whom a central question to one's parents has always been: “So
what position did you hold during those times?”
40 years ago, partially because of this issue, we
took to the streets. The purpose of the student revolution of 1968 was not only
to secure more freedom and democracy in Germany, but also to obtain
clearer answers to the questions regarding concrete responsibility for the
crimes of fascism.
In the beginning we knew so little about this. The
historical and personal truths were relegated to the sphere of the
subconscious. The perpetrators of crimes often presented themselves as the
victims, and many of the true victims having survived all the horrors of those
times, preferred to remain silent rather than to speak.
The 50s were dominated by the pervasive reality of
the “Cold War” and this, in every possible way, detracted from questions of
responsibility for the previous period. Only in the 60s has the need to learn
the truth has become an imperative, and with knowledge of the truth has come
more freedom in Germany and more confidence among
Germans regarding their place in the world.
In the 70s Willy Brandt became a symbol of those
changes. He kneeled before the memorial to the Warsaw ghetto and, though we
realise it was unseen at the time, we realise now in retrospect that it began
the fall of the Berlin Wall.
We did not immediately understand the path that led
Germany to Nazi dictaitorship and the subsequent
catastrophe. We understand now that it began before January,
30th, 1933, before Hitler seized power. This became possible because at that time
too many Germans did not realize the opportunities of democracy and instead
were seduced by the temptations of left or right authoritarianism. Because the
German middle classes, although they quoted Goethe and Schiller's humanistic
values, did not insist on them in practice. Because the Professors, though
trained in the categorical imperatives of Kant, neglected them in reality.
Because the Churches, though they preached the precepts of “Love Thy Neighbour”
and “Thou Shalt not Kill”, but did not put enough effort into inculcating them.
Because in Germany there existed increasing
intolerance and a readiness for violence, and equally a paralysing fear to take
a stand against these tendencies.
Thus political cruelty grew in Germany and was immediately
reinforced after January 30, 1933, with seizure of power by
Hitler.
German government policy became a crime against the
people. At first they took away a left inclined neighbour at night; and only a
few expressed outrage. Next they took away a right inclined neighbour in broad
daylight, and almost no-one expressed outrage. All this proceeded almost
without hindrance. In their houses hardly anyone remained who dared to even
look out at what was happening, let alone protest. The checks and balances
against the abuse of governmental power were systematically eliminated. So, in Germany, first we lost our
freedom, then the law and finally civilization itself.
From then on there were no internal constraints to
suppress the export of aggression, oppression and destruction. In ever
increasing swathes of Europe the Germans destroyed peace, freedom and
justice. Germany did not wage a
conventional war. This was a war, especially in the East, of annihilation and
fully integrated into this war machine was the increasingly brutal
implementation of the Holocaust.
This unprecedented criminal policy has become a
burden, both for Germans today and future generations. From this we cannot
escape. We, the following generation, although not personally responsible for
the criminal policies of the time, are now responsible for the manner in which
we move forward from this grim period in European history. Our responsibility
today is to not forget that horror, not to deny or minimize it. We must
perceive it as an indelible part of our history.
We owe it to the victims of that time to remain
vigilant and not for a moment to forget the brutal lessons of history. It is
not enough to bow for today to the suffering of the victims, but tomorrow
forget the lessons of that terrible time. Countless victims have left us
forever. Our duty: not to allow a recurrence of that catastrophe in any place,
at any time.
But, if we do not remember it, then this is
impossible. We must remember how short is the path between authoritarianism and
dictatorship. Democracy is powerless if it does not defend against this, if
human rights and fundamental freedoms are not respected or violated, if there
is a growing intolerance in a society and a readiness for conflict. A principal
lesson and crucial requirement: no one should live in fear because they belong
to another nationality or ethnic group, or another religion or belief system,
that is: no-one should be afraid to be different.
We owe it to the victims of that time. We owe it to
those who still live among us.
I therefore address myself directly to the veterans
here in the Republic of Belarus, who represent many who today are no longer
with us: Naturally, the older generation in Germany on this day thinks about
their own defeat and pain, which they experienced from the inevitable
consequence of the German policy of violence and crime. But it is also true
that your contribution to the liberation of your homeland, then the Soviet Union, to whom among the allies
in the war against Nazi Germany fell the main burden and the highest price for
victory - 27 million dead, is now perceived by us - the Germans - as a
contribution to our own liberation from fascism.
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