Werner Schulz,
MEP, Member of the Foreign Affairs Committee
In growing fear of a perilous autumn, Lukashenko seems willing to use any
means.
A round table for Belarus?
A wonderful idea. Who wouldn’t like to see the estate of an Eastern dictator be
set in order at history’s most famous piece of furniture? But the grounds for
hope are nonexistent when the suggestion comes from Alexander Lukashenko, the
despot in power for the last 17 years.
Since first
becoming a political institution, the round table has symbolized the approach
of bringing conflicting interest groups together to participate as equal
partners in a dialogue and to identify solutions that all participants can
support. Who would claim to seriously believe that this is truly Lukashenko’s
goal?
Who would
moderate such a dialogue, and who should take part? The Belarusian opposition,
whose leading figures are in jail or have fled the country? Russia or the EU?
No one could believe this proposal was sincere. It is more likely an attempt to
ring in another round of the “see-saw policy” between Russia and the EU, a
favourite method of the Belarus head of state to safeguard his own power and
spoils, as the smirking third player at the table.
The air is
getting thin up around Lukashenko, once an ordinary kolkhoz director. He began
his battle for survival long since.
Raging and ever less predictable, he has struck fear in the hearts of
many, not least his own people. What might Lukashenko yet do in an attempt to
control the simmering discontent and avoid economic ruin and the forced sale of
assets?
Lukashenko’s
motivation is revealed by his most recent proposal to create a rapid reaction
force to prevent coups d’état within the CSTO, the post-Soviet military
alliance. Although Lukashenko, unlike his close friend Gaddafi, does not yet
have armed rebels to fear, there is a growing dread in Eastern Europe of
catching the revolution virus from Arab countries. Recent military exercises
undertaken by the alliance to practice dealing with violent conflicts reveal
this just as clearly as do statements by leading
politicians within the alliance.
Nobody knows
whether it will be a matter of weeks, months or even years before the
Lukashenko era is a thing of the past. It feels, at least, as though we have
already entered the aftermath of that period. The Belarusian opposition would
be well advised to put old intrigues to rest and forge strong alliances. Only
united will it succeed in creating new approaches and developing a serious
alternative to the authoritarian social system in Belarus.
Europe will
play its part in helping Belarusian civil society along this path. A lively
exchange about the issue of how and under what conditions assistance can best
be provided is already underway with representatives of that civil society and
within the European institutions.
However, we
also seek the involvement of other important actors. Although the chairs for
the Belarusian parliamentarians remained empty, members of the parliaments of
the other Eastern Neighbourhood countries and of the European Parliament
addressed the political situation in Belarus at the first working meeting
of EURONEST on 14/15 September 2011.
We must, too,
call on Russia to live up to its responsibility, for one thing is certain:
without Russia, there will be no change of course in Belarus, in any direction.
I spoke about this in Warsaw on 19/20 September 2011 with our Russian
colleagues on the EU Russia Parliamentary Cooperation Committee. The primary
mutual concern must be the prevention of an escalation of violence, another
wave of mass arrests and bloodshed.
Europe should
be more courageous in providing more vocal and more passionate assurance of its
solidarity and support. At issue is no more and no less than sending a clear
signal that the Belarusian people can count on Europe’s support in dealing with
the current situation.
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